Cathedral of Saint George (Lviv)

 

Location: Saint George Square, 5

 

Description of Cathedral of Saint George

The Archcathedral of St. George (formerly the Cathedral Church of St. George) in Lviv is the cathedral of the Galician Metropolis of the UGCC, until 1817 at the Vasiliyan monastery, a baroque-rococo monumental architectural ensemble with distinctive national features (1744–1762), considered the main shrine of Ukrainian Greek Catholics, before the construction of the Patriarchal Cathedral of the Resurrection of Christ in Kyiv.

It is located on Sviatoyurska Gora, at the address: St. Yura Square No. 5. Height above sea level is 321 meters.

Since 1998, the Cathedral, together with the Ensemble of the Historical Center of Lviv, has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site. The cathedral itself is part of a complex: a baroque cathedral (1745–1770) with a belfry (a bell from 1341), a rococo one with classicist porticos of the metropolitan chamber (1761–1762), chapter houses, a terrace with two-armed stairs, an openwork fence around the cathedral courtyard with two gates in the courtyard (1771) and walls surrounding chapter houses and metropolitan gardens (1772).

The centuries-old architectural history of the Svyatoyura Monastery can be conditionally divided into two major periods according to the history of its main building. The first period lasted for almost half a millennium — from the beginnings of the monastery to about the middle of the 18th century — and ended with the destruction of the old temple. The second period began with the construction of a new cathedral, which later became a new reference point in the purposeful formation of the future ensemble. It ended in the 19th century, when the last of the existing buildings appeared.

In older sources, it is the Cathedral of St. George.

 

Princely period

According to an ancient legend, this place has been inhabited since around 1280. At the same time, there was a cave. It is still not clear whether it was artificial or natural. The monk Vasyl (Basilisk) secluded himself in it, who in constant prayers atoned for earthly sins. This legend dates back to ancient times, but was first recorded by Lviv researcher Bartolomei Zimorovych in the 17th century.

At that time, Basilisk, the son of Leo, a prince of a cruel spirit, but, as often happens with the Greeks, because of his young summers spent carelessly, in his old age he voluntarily cut his hair into a monk and settled in a cave overgrown with thorns, which stood as an opening on the slope of a hill that rose above back of the city He was more like a faun than a man - bristly, uncombed, with big eyebrows, thin, overgrown, with a beard that reached his knees, covering the nakedness of his body like a shield or a carpet. With such inhuman rigor of life, he redeemed the inhuman variety of prisoners that he led twenty years ago in Sudomyr, so it is generally said. On his advice, Leo built a beech church on the top of that hill, surrounded it with monastic cells and gave it under the care of Saint Yuri, the elder of the army of saints, a leader for himself against the Poles and a comrade for the stria who fought against the ghosts of hell.

As Volodymyr Sichynskyi believed, in the legend of the mysterious Basilisk, individual events and persons were strangely mixed up in time. Indeed, Prince Vasylko Romanovych, well-known from the annals, in 1259 did not voluntarily accompany the enemy troops of the Mongol-Tatar commander Burundai to Sudomyr. This happened after the prince was forced to voluntarily surrender to foreigners and even "scatter" and set fire to Volodymyr's city fortifications in Volyn. According to the chronicler, as a result of the Tatar campaign on Sudomyr, almost all of its population died. However, there is no doubting the historical evidence that Prince Vasylko Romanovych died much earlier than the date indicated in the legend and was buried in the Church of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Kholm in 1269. Therefore, the face of the mysterious Basilisk has different, ambiguous interpretations. For example, the Polish researcher Oleksandr Cholowski, following the historian Izidor Sharanevich, identified Vasylisk as Lavrysh Rymont, son of Troydenov.

There are also other versions about the first church on Svyatoyurska Gora. In particular, there is a version that the St. George's Church and Monastery was founded by the Galician Prince Lev Danylovych, who in 1282 brought the body of his father, King Danylo, from Halych to the already existing monastery. Although Svyatoyurska Gora did not stand out as actively as Zamkova on the opposite bank of Poltva, neither in terms of absolute height marks, nor in terms of the general territory suitable for construction, however, according to the information of Martin Gruneweg, which he heard from old residents, it was this the mountain attracted the attention of the prince's servants when they began to build the castle. Then, by order of the prince, a church was built here in honor of St. George. M. Gruneweg even concluded that "...the Jura church was the first building in the city after the castle."

Among the other alleged founders of the monastery, there is also the name of Prince Yuriy Lvovych, but there is no unambiguous documentary confirmation of any of these versions.

Regarding the consecration, most researchers are inclined to believe that the consecration of the temple was connected with the name of St. Yuri from the very beginning, although the history of temple architecture provides us with numerous examples of re-consecrations that occurred under different circumstances, especially during changes in religious affiliation. In general, churches in the name of St. Yuri were quite common among Orthodox, and later Greek-Catholic churches, as evidenced by studies of the statistics of church dedications of the Lviv Diocese of the Eastern Rite.

According to the latest researcher Ihor Mytsk, the poisoning of the last Galician-Volyn prince Yuri II (Boleslav Troydenovich) took place precisely in the Church of St. George on April 7, 1340. After the death of Yuri II, Casimir III captured Lviv. During the attack, according to ancient legends, the Russian inhabitants turned the monastery into a place of stubborn resistance and after the king acquired fortifications, they were all killed. This story is confirmed by the records of Metropolitan Lev Sheptytskyi. In the fire of a great fire, the first church of St. George also burned down. Some Polish authors tried to present this information as fiction, not supported by facts, and the responsibility for the large-scale destruction in the city was placed on the Lithuanian troops who tried to strengthen Prince Dmytro Lubart in Galicia.

The first indisputable proof of the actual existence of the St. George Church can be considered the information given in the form of a commemorative inscription on the ancient copper bell, which is still located in the cathedral bell tower.

At least two important conclusions can be drawn from this inscription: firstly, the mention of the name of Prince Dmitry most likely indicates his direct involvement in the production of the bell in the role of patron and donor, secondly, from the point of view of chronology, this information indicates that due to a year after Casimir's invasion, the temple functioned at a monastery headed by Abbot Euthymius.

Not all researchers agree with the opinion that the first temple was wooden. In particular, there is another version, which was well substantiated by Y. Dyba: the first temple was not made of wood, but built of hewn stone blocks.

The old church was repeatedly destroyed and reconstructed. So, in particular, M. Gruneweg at the beginning of the 17th century. regarding this church, noted: "in my time, it was completely walled up." From A. Petrushevich's presentation, we learn that in 1608 "...on Easter Sunday, thunder struck the church of St. George and the cross of the church from above and the stone in which the cross stood, and the images inside the church burned and the throne broke in two." It was also reported that "in 1643... St. George burned down", and in 1648 "Lviv, defending itself, burned the suburbs all around the district... in the church of Saint George, the corpses of 54 people were killed, and the Tatar fell on the very throne and crashed." . It is also known that the Turks caused considerable damage to the temple in 1672.

 

Polish period

The first references to the construction of the brick cathedral of St. George in ancient literary sources are found in the works of the Lviv historian, councilor and burgomaster of the 17th century. Bartholomew Zimorovych's "Triple Lviv" ("Leopolis Triplex"), which is sometimes tentatively called "Zymorovych's Chronicle". The author of the chronicle provides information about the construction of the church in different places of the text under two different dates: first - 1363, and then - 1437. The next mention of the church of St. Yuriy in "Triple Lviv"

It is known that B. Zimorovych was not a witness to those distant events, so his work, like any compilative chronicle, was certainly not without inaccuracies and errors. In favor of such suspicion regarding the given characteristics of the old church of St. Yuriy may be what is in this chronicle of B. Zimorovych, but in another place, we find another, almost similar message, submitted under a much later date, namely under 1437:

Churches are being built - Armenian and St. Yuriy. Armenians and Ruthenians, using the services of the same builder, in those days built two identical temples, of the same size and type. Armenians - in the walls of the city in honor of the Virgin, taken to the bosom of heaven; Ruthenians - in the suburbs in honor of the ancient warrior of their people St. Yuri.

It is very difficult and almost impossible to separate the solid truth from distortion or conjecture in these two chronicles. Therefore, in the future, researchers and commentators of B. Zimorovych's work explained these two contradictory messages in different ways.

Two views dominate. The first, formulated back in the 19th century. by Denys Zubrytskyi in his famous work "Chronicle of the City of Lviv" and later accepted by many historians, was based on the assumption that B. Zimorovych mistakenly duplicated one and the same event in his chronicle, therefore only the first date should be considered reliable, that is, 1363. the reference to 1437 was considered by D. Zubrytskyi as erroneous, repeated about the same event. Subsequently, D. Zubrytsky's assumption was supported by Vladyslav Lozinsky in the book "Lviv Art in the XVI-XVII Centuries. Architecture and sculpture", where once again the established in the 19th century is repeated. information about the fact that these two churches - Armenian and Svyatoyurska - became the first new buildings after the landmark year of 1370 for the city. It is specially emphasized that both churches were not only the creations of the same master, but were also built, according to B. Zimorovnch, "quod schema unifonne fabricae utrinsque facit manifestuin", that is, they had a similar structural arrangement and appearance. This emphasis gave certain grounds for at least an approximate idea of the architectural appearance of the first brick church of St. Yura, since the ancient Armenian temple was well preserved and could serve as a real object for comparisons and certain architectural conclusions. I. Mytsko also supported this version in his commentary on the latest translation of "Triple Lviv".

Another point of view was first presented in the so-called "Chronicle of St. Yury" ("Book of Deeds...") and repeatedly repeated later in the works of Volodymyr Sichynskyi, Ivan Krypyakevich, Volodymyr Vuytsyk, and others. Both reports in B. Zimorovych's chronicle were connected by these researchers with real events. So, they needed a reasoned explanation. The essence of the explanation came down to the fact that in the chronicle of B. Zimorovych, two different moments in the history of the Church of St. George were recorded: in 1363, the new building was only begun, and in 1437, after many years unfavorable for the continuation of construction, it was finally brought to full completion. V. Sichynskyi in the monograph "Architecture of the Cathedral of St. Yura in Lviv" even indicated the possibility of a later adjustment of these two different dates, indicated by B. Zimorovych, to the specific names of the ancient abbots of the Sviatoyura monastery, who, as it were, alternately took care of the difficult and long-term construction of the temple. The names of the abbots Euthymius, Parthenius, Gideon and Lavrentius are mentioned. A certain bias of this artificial division of dates into the beginning and end of construction is easily seen, since such a distinction does not follow from the text of B. Zimorovych's chronicle. But it must be admitted that there are no sufficient grounds for categorically denying this either. The Polish researcher T. Mankowski formulated his special position regarding the determination of the start date and duration of the construction of the first brick temple in a critical review of V. Sichinsky's monograph. Skeptical of the factual accuracy of B. Zimorovych's work and at the same time using previously little-known documentary primary sources related to the activities of the Armenian community in Lviv in ancient times, he determines 1363 as the date not of the beginning, but rather of the completion of the construction of the Armenian church. In this way, he questioned not only the synchronicity of construction works declared by B. Zimorovych, but also the fundamental architectural affinity of the two churches.

Despite such warnings, B. Zimorovych's information gave a reason for the approximate architectural characteristics of the first brick church of St. Yura. Given the possibility of a close analogy between the old Sviatoyursky Church and the Armenian Church, the majority of researchers suggested that the first brick church of St. Yura also belonged to the fairly common Byzantine type of three-nave, four-column, transept-bath, one-story planning and spatial system. This assumption is not unfounded, since Martin Gruneweg already stated in his notes that it was "built in the Ukrainian way". V. Sichynskyi characterized it as a Ukrainian-Byzantine type of building and even compared it with many well-known examples of ancient Russian architecture - for example, with the St. George's Church in Kanev. Analogous definitions have spread in special literature as an axiom and often occur even in the latest publications of a review nature.

The name of the architect remains unknown for sure to this day. It appeared in various sources, including B. Zimorovych, as Dore. Such a transcription by Vl. Lozynski considered it a mechanical typo and, based on archival research, identified it with the builder whose last name in the version "Doringus murator" was repeatedly mentioned in the oldest city books of Lviv, which included a chronological shade from 1382 to 1389. In such a transcription as Doring, which was supposed to testify, obviously, to his German origin, this last name was later repeatedly mentioned in historical literature. According to Vl. Lozynskyi, the mysterious master Doring died around 1384, since it was then that in his deeds and documents there are rare references to the composition of his property inheritance and its further fate [126, p. WITH]. At the same time, T. Mankovskyi denied Doering's authorship. According to the archival evidence he found, it should have been the Italian architect Dorchi or Dorchi. According to the logic of T. Mankovskyi, the architectural affinity of the two temples should also be recognized as unlikely, although he did not reject the participation of the same architect on both construction sites. Therefore, given the hypothetical architectural affinity of these two temples, T. Mankovsky assumed that "...the medieval cathedral of St. Yura could also have a bath from the outside in the form of a multifaceted drum covered with a tent roof. According to other architectural and planning characteristics, the church of St. Jura, unlike the Armenian temple, should be much closer to the local temple-building tradition, and not to the Armenian prototype imported from Kafa. The author did not specify what exactly this closeness consisted of. One can guess that it was a pillarless, three-part, single-bay type of building.

Since "murator" is mentioned in B. Zimorovych's chronicle, it is logical to assume that the old Svyatoyursky temple was also built of stone. It is unlikely that it was only brick, as B. Zimorovych says, given the inconsistency of the status of a country church with the high cost of this building material in the conditions of that time. Obviously, natural stone was also used, the supply of which from numerous surrounding quarries was not problematic. The informative limitation of written sources and the lack of convincing iconography led to the emergence of another hypothesis regarding the architectural and spatial morphology of the old church of St. Yura. The origins of this hypothesis have a background related to the analysis of an engraving of the general appearance of Lviv, made by F. Hogenberg based on a drawing by A. Passarotti and printed in 1618 in the sixth volume of George Brown's edition "Civitates Orbis Terrarum". This highly valuable and widely known iconographic document is considered the first panoramic image of Lviv buildings as of the beginning of the 17th century. Despite the very approximate, generalized nature of the image of individual buildings, in general, it has a huge cognitive value and quite informatively reproduces the urban planning situation. Back in the 1930s, the Polish researcher Janusz Witwicki made a bold assumption about this engraving that the building in the form of a rotunda with an annex, which is depicted on the left in the foreground of the panorama, is the church of St. Yura. However, he noted: since Passarotti executed his drawing, apparently, from the roof of the St. George's Church, she herself could not get into the reproduced panorama. Explaining this inconsistency, Y. Vitvitsky claims that the church in this image "was painted in a medieval way" based on purely creative, compositional considerations of the artist. This seems very unlikely, considering the purpose of A. Passarotti's visit to Lviv (the construction of fortifications) and his rational, "engineering" way of reproducing urban development. Probably, that is why this assumption of Y. Vitvitsky remained ignored for a long time and in the writings about the Cathedral of St. Yura was not mentioned. But many years later, this version, albeit very cautiously, was accepted by the modern Polish researcher Witold Szolginia, who, however, did not resort to far-reaching, categorical conclusions. Diba His main thesis was that from the very beginning, that is, as early as 1280, Prince Lev Danylovych built the church of St. Yuriy in the form of a brick rotunda, which in the following centuries, until its final dismantling in 1743, only underwent certain transformations. The construction work on the construction of the brick church, which was discussed in the chronicle of B. Zimorovych, was qualified by the researcher as the installation of a new basilica annex to the already existing rotunda church. Further efforts of the researcher are also aimed at protecting the "rotunda-like version" of the old church of St. Yura. It must be admitted that the arguments regarding the identification of the structure depicted in the engraving as the old church of St. Yura still leaves considerable room for healthy skepticism. It is based on the disputability of Y. Vitvitskyi's original thesis that A. Passarotti consciously transformed the drawing, adding to the image a fragment that he could not actually see from Sviatoyurskaya Hill or even from the roof of the old church itself. Failure to accept this thesis should mean that on the engraving we see a relatively accurate image of some real, but later lost building, which was really in front of the artist's eyes and was located much lower on the relief (this is evidenced by its perspective), most likely, directly at the foot of the mountain. In this case, the question arises: what could it be? After all, even on the oldest building plans of Lviv - the images of A. Passarotti, the building really does not have a convincingly attributed counterpart. There can be only one explanation for this: this building did not already exist at the time of execution of the known city plans. We have reason to believe that it was the so-called episcopal winter residence with a chapel located in the lower part of the episcopal garden. This assumption is confirmed by the information of one of the witnesses in the court case between the Basilians and the secular clergy. In 1766, this 80-year-old witness testified:
Down under the mountain from the north were the winter quarters where Bishop Shumlyansky lived, and across from that winter residence there was a painted chapel in the rooms, and two bells under a roof in the gazebo. The winter residence under the mountain opposite the monastery and the chapel with the bell tower were dismantled by Dionysiy Sinkevich, Lviv official, after the death of Bishop Josyp Shumlyanskyi, and the outbuildings were put on display.

So, "under the mountain opposite the monastery" - which is approximately where the circus building is now located - was the bishop's residence with a rotunda-type chapel attached to it with a tent roof and bells under it. It was her, obviously, that was drawn by A. Passarotti, and in the process of engraving she acquired more monumental features, which could well have happened due to the artistic and compositional considerations of the artist of the engraving board.

The existence of a residence in this low-lying area is also confirmed by the oldest fixed plan of Svyatoyurska Gora, found by V. Vuytsyk in the Central Historical Archive of Lviv, although it is depicted here in a very general way. It can be thought that at the time of drawing up this fixed plan, the winter residence lost its meaning and was probably rebuilt in a much simplified form compared to what we see in F. Hogenberg's engraving. But at the same time, the very existence of the residence in the middle of the 18th century. in the same area as at the beginning of the 17th century, attests to a certain tradition in its spatial localization. The historical roots of such a "lowland" location of the residence could very well go back to the much older era of the reign of Bishop Gideon Balaban, therefore, at the time of the execution of A. Passarotti's drawing, it could already exist in a full functional dimension.

So far, the version according to which the old church approached the original appearance of the Armenian Church in Lviv in terms of its basic architectural features and physical scale remains more convincing. Just such a relatively small one-bay temple could occupy a very limited area on the rocky and inconvenient for building top of this hill.

Such a conservative view of the old church of St. Yura has recently been enriched with a new strong argument in its favor. At the beginning of the 1990s, the tireless explorer of archival funds and museum storekeepers, V. Vuytsyk, came across an unknown portrait of Athanasius Sheptytsky, the founder of the new cathedral[43]. Under the bust of the still young bishop, an unknown artist placed a drawing of the church wrapped in a symbolic ribbon with the pathetic inscription "Romanum capies facile hoc de monte galerum". As we can see, this not only metaphorically testified the religious affiliation of the shrine and the bishop to the Roman throne, but also casually acknowledged its location "on the mountain" - certainly that of St. In addition, the reproduction of the old cathedral church in the portrait of the person who later became the initiator of the construction of the new church is also quite convincing. The picture of the old church symbolically complements the detailed portrait composition. Therefore, it turned out to be somewhat generalized, but realistic enough for specific conclusions. The old church is depicted from the northeast from an imaginary vantage point that corresponds to the horizon line passing just above the main eaves. The altar part of the temple with a large central apse and much narrower side apses is clearly visible. The apses are the same height as the main volume of the building, covered with a gable roof. In the middle of the ridge of the roof, there is an onion-shaped bathhouse on a small faceted pedestal. It seems that the yoke had eight faces. In the outer walls, on the same level, window openings of the same size are shown - three on the north wall and one each on the apses. Such a number of windows may be an indirect sign of the three-part internal spatial structure. Small windows are also depicted on each side of the pant. The presence of overhead lighting may indicate the existence of four internal supports in the structure of the temple, which were supposed to support the footstool. The small diameter of the lintel relative to the main volume of the building can be explained either by the inaccuracy of the artist's rendering of the proportions, or by the pillarless character of the vault on cross elastic arches. The end surfaces of the gable roof are covered with gables. They barely protrude beyond the plane of the roof, which, according to M. Gruneweg, already at the beginning of the 17th century. was made of tin. So, the picture shows all the basic signs that the old church of St. Yura was indeed close to the Armenian temple in terms of its volumetric and spatial structure and physical scale. Some suspicions of significant changes may be caused by the shape of the top (bathhouse, underfloor, roof) — that part of the building that is always most exposed to the risk of loss and alteration. Regarding this, the assumption of V. Vuytsyk about the possibility of existence under the slopes of the roof of an invisible bath also has certain grounds. Less probable is his version about the three-conch layout of the temple, since it is contradicted by the nature of the three-dimensional divisions.

A similar image of an unknown church can be found on an engraving by the famous Ukrainian master Nikodym Zubrytsky, made by him during his stay in the Svyatoyura Monastery, as an illustration for one of the editions of the local printing house. The widespread habit among contemporary artists of filling hagiographic subjects with images of actual sacred buildings, albeit without documentary accuracy, gives reason to assert that the Lviv works of N. Zubrytskyi were no exception either. The engraving with the scene of the Intercession shows a noticeable affinity with the image of the temple in A. Sheptytskyi's portrait, not only by the perspective and similar proportions of the architectural masses, but also by the presence of an adjacent building under the northern wall of the church, where modest monastic cells and episcopal chambers were located. We can speak confidently about some characteristic features of the location of the old temple. In particular, the old church, unlike the existing one, was oriented along the east-west axis, that is, its altar part was oriented to the east, while the altar of the new cathedral, on the contrary, was directed to the west. It can be argued that the original orientation of the altar caused a different direction of the main approach to the temple than the one that exists today. It is worth noting that the layout outline of the old temple was undoubtedly located in the eastern part of the new temple, and its physical dimensions, if we take into account the large-scale analogy with the Armenian church, were almost three times smaller in length and approximately twice in width. Therefore, the old temple cannot be considered monumental, although its modest dimensions still had one advantage: they provided much more free space around the building. A common feature of the old and new churches is the advantageous location of the church on the highest point of the Svyatoyurskaya mountain. Actually, there could be no other solution due to the very limited territory. Therefore, the hypothetical option of building a new temple next to the old one, as it sometimes happened in the process of building monastic complexes1, would be very complicated in this case. It was also impossible not to take into account the geological features of the site - the presence of individual fragments of natural rock, which were later discovered by V. Sichynskyi under the floor during archaeological sounding. It turned out that in the eastern part of the church, a rocky natural continent is located at a distance of 65-110 cm from the floor surface. So, now one can only imagine that the old temple of the adjacent territory was located on a rather distinct rocky elevated relief, as on a kind of natural platform. Subsequently, after the construction of the new church, this natural stylobate platform was leveled around the cathedral with a new horizontal paving, and in order to connect the much lower pre-cathedral square with the zero level of the church, it was necessary to arrange a formal two-step staircase along the axis of the main entrance.

Buildings of various purposes were located around the old church. On the fixation plan of Clemens Xavier Fessinger, you can still see part of these buildings, except for those that fell within the boundaries of the foundations of the new cathedral and did not exist at the time of the execution of the plan. Among them was the chapel of the Protection of the Mother of God, attached to the old church. The miraculous icon of the Mother of God of Terebovlya was kept in it until the last moment.

B. Zimorovych submits under the year 1453 in connection with the capture of the Eastern Christian capital of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks. The city authorities of Lviv were frightened by this tragic event and had to take precautionary measures:
Since the news spread that Constantinople had been handed over to the Turks by the Greeks, and many of them, expelled from their homes, fled to Lviv, a state arrival was introduced so that fugitives were allowed to enter the city only after taking an oath. Finally, Russian churches were counted, and at that time there were eight of them, namely: city, St. Yuriy, St. Onufria, St. Nicholas, St. Fedora, Epiphany, Voskresenska and Blagovishchenska.

The social and material situation of the Svyatoyura Monastery in the middle of the 15th century was obviously not certain, and it probably changed its patron quite often. It is noted that in 1430 he allegedly fell into dependence on the Armenian family of Kalenikovich, against whom royal officials and a certain nobleman Andriy of Malekhov "lit up" in court proceedings. Later, in 1442–1455, old Lviv documents mention an Armenian - Petrus Hamladinovych from the Lviv Monastery of St. Yuriy.

At the end of the 15th century The Svyatoyura monastery owned huge land plots around the city, as evidenced by B. Zimorovych's record in 1497:
The king himself, having arrived at the beginning of June with numerous detachments of horse and foot, pitched tents on the vast fields of St. Yuriy, where he stayed until June 26, waiting for provincial reserves...

The monastery became the residence of its leader, the governor of the Galician Metropolitanate and Archimandrite Isakiy Gdashytskyi in the 1520s and 1530s.

In 1537, numerous tents of the royal army were again pitched "on the far-reaching fields of St. Yuri." In 1539, the Svyatoyura church became the center of a newly formed diocese, headed by a merchant, and at that time the abbot of the Svyatoyura monastery, Makariy (Tuchapskyi). He put a lot of effort into organizing church affairs and his cathedral, in which, as he said, "the praise of God" could not take place because of the devastation[52]. Since the 1530s, the ancient temple, having received the episcopal chair, acquired the significance with which it traditionally appears in history.

After the Union of Lublin in 1569, the Orthodox Church was often involved in sharp confrontations with the city authorities and the Catholic clergy. So, in particular, on the first day of the Christmas holidays (January 3) 1584, the church of St. Yura was suddenly captured by the servants of the Catholic Archbishop of Lviv Jan Dimitar Solikovskyi. Local priests Sava and Ivan were forcibly removed from the service of God, the monastery gates were sealed. The then Lviv bishop Gedeon Balaban had to start a legal process to restore justice, which ended in favor of the plaintiff. Three weeks later, the gates were opened.

During the liberation war of 1648-1657, the hetman's troops of Bohdan Khmelnytskyi camped under Svyatoyurska Gora on the spacious suburbs and fields belonging to the monastery. Khmelnytskyi himself lived in the monastery. Here he received the ambassador of the city community, Bishop Arseniy Zhelyborsky, authorized under any conditions to prevent a devastating assault on the city and to come to a peaceful understanding with the Cossack leader.

In the end, the parties managed to come to an agreement and "the town of Lviv paid for itself and gave to the Horde and Khmelnytskyi." Subsequently, unsuccessful negotiations with the ambassadors of the Polish king Jan Casimir took place here.

In 1668, Joseph (Shumlyanskyi) fought for the church of St. George with the Metropolitan of Kyiv, Antoni Vynnytskyi. Y.Shumlyansky's soldiers attacked the defense monastery, cut down fences and gates, and severely beat the metropolitan's servants. A. Vynnytskyi went down the spear to the window, where he was surrounded by soldiers; redeemed himself with his gold chain. J. Shumlyanskyi took the episcopal mitres, robes, clothes, carpets, weapons, tableware, wine barrels, carriage horses, etc. The case reached the court, which recognized J.Shumlyanskyi as a bishop.

Soviet period
In the Soviet period, with the decision of the Lviv Council of 1946, which decreed the abolition of the Brest Union. The cathedral passed with its property to the Russian Orthodox Church. On April 6, 1990, by a decision of the Lviv City Council, it was transferred to the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church.

 

Construction of a new cathedral

The idea of building a new cathedral
The time of construction of the new cathedral of St. Yura almost coincided with the construction of another architectural masterpiece of Lviv, the Dominican Church (architect: Jan de Witte, 1740-1764). During these years, a number of other religious buildings also appeared in the city - the churches of St. Anthony, St. Martin, St. Nicholas, the collegium of the Order of PR, etc.

The idea of a new building on Svyatoyurska Gora belonged to Metropolitan Atanasii Sheptytskyi. According to historical sources, this was a person very devoted to God-pleasing work, a firm character, consistent and purposeful in carrying out his plans. Holding episcopal, and later metropolitan positions, A. Sheptytskyi initiated numerous new church buildings in the dioceses subordinate to him in Galicia, Podil and Volhynia. Over time, the old church of Svyatoyura, which served as a cathedral, could no longer meet its special status, being significantly inferior even to some parish churches. The situation was further complicated by the fact that the old temple was actually in dual use - by the secular clergy and the monks of the Basilian monastery - which led to misunderstandings and even conflict situations. These circumstances led to the decision to demolish the old church and build a new one that would meet the requirements of the time.

At first, the bishop planned to renovate the ancient cathedral, which coincided in time with his accession to the post of Metropolitan of Kyiv. Before 1733, the consistory decided to collect funds for the "cathedral factory". On the instructions of the metropolitan, this was carried out by Father Jeronim Ostrovsky, ChSVV. However, the governors (deans) were in no hurry to send the funds and actually ignored the appeals of the metropolitan representative. That is why the metropolitan took it upon himself to restore order and on October 11, 1733, sent a pastoral letter to the vicarages located south of Lviv, resolutely demanding the provision of funds under the threat of removal from office. It is not known how the situation developed. The lack of specific evidence about the work in the cathedral at that time does not allow us to say about their wide deployment.

In the middle of the XIX century. an unexpected and rather serious threat loomed over the Svyatoyura Ensemble. The Austrian authorities considered the territory adjacent to it as one of the possible options for the creation of a powerful military citadel based on the latest rules of such construction - with powerful casemates, Zeichhaus, artillery positions, etc. If this territory were chosen, the ensemble would have not only an undesirable neighbor, but also a danger from possible military actions. Fortunately, preference was given to another site, and the construction of the citadel was started a little south of the cathedral.

Construction of a modern cathedral
A detailed fixation plan of the entire architectural complex has been preserved as of the 1750s, that is, at the beginning of the construction of the cathedral. An analytical description of this plan is given in the publication of V. Vuytsyk, who searched for it and regarded it as a document specially concluded for the judicial land dispute between the co-owners of Svyatoyurska Gora — the Basilian monks and Bishop Lev Sheptytskyi. The plan gives a fairly complete picture of the buildings and the nature of their location on the mountain at the time when the new church of St. Yura.

The first thing that seems fundamental from the point of view of the functional and spatial planning of the adjacent territory is its clear division into monastic and episcopal lands with a noticeable advantage in favor of the Basilians. The monks owned mainly the western part, the bishop - the eastern. The walk around the new church was unobstructed, although it was very much squeezed from the north by the monastic building, and from the south by a high wall arranged along the line of a steep cliff, which can be considered the remains of the southern curtain.

In addition, we learn from the plan that there were only three masonry structures at the time: the new church itself, the monastery building along the north side of the church with its own separate entrance at the eastern end, and a small masonry gate with a wooden superstructure for the watchman - about , where the upper gate is now located. The rest of the farm and residential buildings, including the episcopal residence, were made of wood. The old L-shaped bishop's residence was located opposite the main entrance to the new church, but the axes of the main entrances to the residence and the new church did not coincide.

In addition to the named buildings, in the adjacent territory, mainly from the south and west, there were several small residential and commercial buildings, in particular, a courtyard with a stable and a carriage house for the bishop's people. Near the altar part of the new cathedral, two hexagonal, obviously wooden turrets are schematically shown, which may have been somehow connected with the bastions, which at that time no longer existed. The buried and silted pond, located at the western foot of the mountain, also attracts attention and indicates the existence of fishing here. In general, the spatial grouping of individual buildings demonstrates the absence of a clear compositional idea and the spontaneous evolution of the complex over the previous centuries, dictated by purely pragmatic and landscape factors. The construction of the Greek Catholic cathedral began in 1744 (or 1745) according to the project of Bernard Meretin, who until the end of his life (1759) worked on improving the architectural features of the temple. After his death, the construction was continued by Clemens Xavier Fessinger. The works continued until 1764. The finishing works were completed in 1770 or 1772.

The spatial composition of the cathedral is expressed by the nave volume formed by the high nave and transept, but in plan, thanks to the corner rooms, it is perceived as a three-nave church with an elongated nave and an altar, which have the same width as the average nave. Four supporting pillars support a system of vaults with the main bath and smaller baths above the lowered rooms in the outer corners of the spatial cross. The bath on a massive tetrahedron serves as an organizational element to which other architectural volumes of the building are subordinated. In the original project by Bernard Meretin (kept in the Lviv National Museum), which depicts a longitudinal section of the church, not only the central volume, but also the altar and vestibule are completed with a dome. Such a compositional solution brought the monument closer to traditional tribal Ukrainian churches. However, the architect replaced the side baths with cross vaults.

The temple stands on a terrace to which a two-step staircase leads, decorated with a balustrade and sculptures of geniuses by S. Stazhevsky. The facade of the church is accentuated by a monumental portal with the figures of the fathers of the Eastern Church, Athanasius and Leo, by the sculptor Ivan Heoriy Pinzel.

The sculptural group "Yurii the Snake Wrestler" crowning the attic is also Pinzel's work. In 1768-1770, sculptors Sebastian Fesinger, Mykhailo Filevych, painters Luka Dolynskyi, Yurii Radyvylivskyi, and Francisk Smuglevych worked on the interior decoration of the church.

 

Architecture

About the existence of an ancient fortified cemetery on Svyatoyurska Gora in the middle of the 19th century. Isidor Sharanevich mentioned in his book "Ancient Lviv". According to V. Vuytsyk, on the oldest plan of the monastery, this cemetery covered the territory adjacent to the cathedral on the southern side, but much lower in relief.

Exterior
St. George's Cathedral is built on a Greek isosceles cross with four chapels between the arms of the cross and miniature baths under the roof, in the center with a large bath on a wide drum resting on spring arches. At the top, the structure is covered by a cornice. Numerous pilasters, paired (on a drum) and doubled on the walls of the cathedral, crowned with stone rococo lanterns, give the structure a slenderness. At the entrance to the cathedral, a spiral staircase was built with a Rococo openwork balustrade decorated with vases and chains. On the facade, on both sides of the main entrance, there are statues of Metropolitans Athanasius and Leo, above the entrance there is a balcony, a high window, a pediment with the coat of arms of the Sheptytskyi and an attic, completed with an equestrian statue of St. Yuri the Snake Wrestler by the Galician sculptor Johann Georg Pinzel. The courtyard in front of the cathedral is closed by two Rococo gates decorated with allegorical figures symbolizing Faith and Hope and the Church of Rome and the Church of Greece.

Interior
The interior of the cathedral was painted by S. Fabianskyi (1876), Yu. Radyvylivskyi performed the large composition "Bishops" and "Appearance to the Apostles", M. Smuglevych (altarpiece composition "Christ's Preaching", which was brought from Vilnius with the assistance of the Kastelian Katarzyna Kossakovska) and " Christ-Pantokrator" in the bath, L. Dolynskyi - pendant icons, oval icons of the prophets and 16 scenes of holidays. The sculptural frames of the two entrance gates and the decoration of the entrances and numerous lanterns belong to M. Filevych. M. Osinchuk in 1942 carried out general conservation and painting of walls and cleaning of images. During the construction of the complex, various artists worked in different styles: baroque, rococo, classicism, but they managed to achieve an organic synthesis of baroque architecture and sculpture, details of fancy rococo ornamentation of cornices, balustrades, attics, capitals, sculptures, vases, stairs, porticoes, subordinating all components elements of integrity similar to the visual culture of Europe at that time.

 

Artistic heritage

The ensemble occupies a peculiar place in the artistic culture of the Ukrainian lands also because it preserved and now hides within its walls many notable historical and artistic monuments of different times, in particular, those that belong to the most important and representative of its era. However, due to historical circumstances, most of them are currently outside the temple: in the National Museum named after Andrey Sheptytskyi, archival funds of the Onufriiv Monastery, the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine in Lviv and the Lviv Scientific Library named after Vasyl Stefanyk.

Bell
On the belfry of St. George's Cathedral is the oldest bell in Ukraine, cast, according to the inscription on it, in 1341.

Crypt
Ever since the Jura Cathedral became the main seat of the Galician Orthodox, and since 1700 - of the Greek Catholic diocese, bishops have been buried in the crypt, and since 1808 - metropolitans. The crypt is open to the public. Prominent figures of the UGCC are buried there, in particular, Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky, Patriarch Yosif Slipy, Cardinals Sylvester Sembratovich, Myroslav Ivan Lyubachivskyi, Bishop Volodymyr Sterniuk.

During the archaeological excavations conducted by Yaroslav Pasternak in Halychi na Krylos in 1937, a sarcophagus was found with the body of the prince, who was identified as Yaroslav Osmomysl. On the eve of the Second World War, in 1939, for preservation and further research, his remains were transferred to Lviv in the crypt of the Cathedral of St. Yura. The remains of the prince were found there for the second time by the special archaeological commission of the Scientific Society named after T. Shevchenko on November 14, 1991 in a plywood box.

Mystagogia
St. George's Cathedral stores:
two miraculous icons: Terebovlyan and Kyiv;
relics of saints;
a copy of the Shroud of Turin;

Modern structure
Communities at the cathedral
Maria's wife;
Confraternity of the Mother of God of Terebovlya;
Altar wife;
Bible Society;
Brotherhood of Christ the Lover of Men;
Fraternity "Mothers in Prayer";
Svyatoyura youth.

Abbots
Father Roman Kravchyk.

The significance of the Cathedral in the history of Ukraine and the UGCC
After the imprisonment of the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic hierarchy led by Metropolitan Yosif Slipy and the illegal "Council of the Greek-Catholic Church on March 8-10, 1946." the cathedral was transferred to the Orthodox archdiocese under the jurisdiction of the Moscow Patriarchate.

In August 1990, the Cathedral of St. George was returned to the newly legalized UGCC.

Hryhor Luzhnytskyi in the article "City of St. Yura":
Whoever wants to know the true Lviv, the Lviv that has always been Ukrainian, that has always fought for belonging to its native land, the Lviv that has never given up - let him know the Lviv of St. Yura.
Lviv St. Yura was always the same: whether it was when during holidays it was not allowed to lead processions through the streets of the city, and the Ukrainian citizens of the city sat in closed houses and cried, or when the youngest Kryloshan of the St. Market holy water; or when the Moscow gendarmerie was taking Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky out of his St. George's chamber, or when a Polish student mob approached the St. George's chamber, shouting: "Mr. Sheptytsky na lyatyarnen!" — Lviv St. Yura was always the same: aware of his power and greatness, aware of his tasks and mission, aware of his speech to God and his people.