The necropolis of the city of Pompei is a kind of city of the dead.
The name "necropolis" itself is translated in Greek. Here were
buried the richest and most powerful residents of the city. In
Pompeii, as in other ancient Roman cities, cemeteries were located
at the gates of the city. So the mausoleums and tombs are located
and the Nola Gate,
Herculanium Gate, the
Vesuvian Gate. However, the most chic
Necropolis ("city of the dead" in Greek) is located at the
Nocera Gate.
The necropolis behind the gate of Nocera gate consists of a
series of tombs, along the road Via Nocera. In the necropolis there
are several types of tombs: chamber tombs, cubic tombs, altar tombs,
adicula graves. They are arranged in chronological order from the
early Republican period at the gates until the last years of Pompeii
farther afield. Unlike today's cemeteries, which are located at some
distance from major roads, the Roman cemeteries were quite noisy
with a lot of pedestrians and carts that drove past the city of the
dead. As proof of the large traffic, there are more than 180
graffiti painted and scratched on the tombs at the Nucer Gate, from
political slogans to advertisements about the games in the
Pompeii Amphitheater. These
texts give a rare look at life behind the walls and show that this
cemetery was in itself a separate block, although it was cut off
from the city itself by protective walls.
Among the many
monuments, the tombs of L. Seius Serapia, the tomb of L. Celius, the
mausoleum of Vei Barhilla, the tomb of
Eumachia, the tomb of the Tillia family (family tomb) and the
tomb of M. Octavius and his wife Verthia Philumin are especially
worth noting.
The Necropolis at the Nocera Gate developed over several centuries,
with tombs dating from the Samnite period (4th–3rd century BCE) through
the Roman era, culminating in 79 CE. Pompeii’s pre-Roman roots as a
Samnite city shaped its early burial practices, influenced by Italic
traditions, while Roman colonization after 80 BCE introduced Hellenistic
and imperial elements, evident in tomb designs and inscriptions. Roman
law mandated burials outside city walls to maintain urban purity, making
the area beyond the Nocera Gate—a major entry point from Nuceria (modern
Nocera Inferiore)—an ideal location for a necropolis. Its proximity to
Via di Nocera, a busy road, ensured visibility, allowing tomb owners to
advertise their status to travelers and locals alike.
The
necropolis grew organically, with tombs reflecting the city’s evolving
demographics. Early Samnite burials were simpler, but by the 1st century
BCE, wealth from trade and Roman patronage funded elaborate monuments,
especially for elite families and freedmen eager to assert their social
mobility. The site’s use continued until the eruption, which buried it
under layers of ash and lapilli, preserving structures but scattering
remains. Excavations, notably by Amedeo Maiuri in the 1950s and the
2003–2015 international study, uncovered over 40 tombs and significant
artifacts, though early looting and exposure damaged some features. The
discovery of plaster casts in the 1960s added a poignant human
dimension, capturing the final moments of those fleeing the eruption.
The necropolis is organized linearly along Via delle Tombe, a paved
road running parallel to Pompeii’s southeastern walls, with tombs
clustered in groups reflecting family plots or social affiliations. Its
layout balances accessibility and display, with monuments designed to
impress passersby while accommodating funerary rituals. Key
architectural elements include:
Tomb Types:
The necropolis
features diverse tomb designs, showcasing Pompeii’s architectural
eclecticism:
Chamber Tombs: Rectangular structures with internal
niches for urns or sarcophagi, often used by families. Examples include
the Flavius family tomb, with tuff-stone busts and inscriptions.
Cubic Tombs: Simple, box-like monuments for individuals or small groups,
common among freedmen.
Altar Tombs: Raised platforms with decorative
friezes, resembling altars, used for cremation burials.
Aedicula
Tombs: Small, temple-like structures with pediments and columns,
signaling wealth, as seen in Publius Vesonius Phileros’ tomb.
Exedra
Tombs: Semicircular, bench-like monuments for communal gatherings, such
as Eumachia’s grand tomb.
These variations reflect status, budget,
and cultural influences, blending Samnite simplicity with Roman
ostentation.
Spatial Organization:
Tombs are arranged along
the road’s northern side, facing the city walls, maximizing visibility
from the Nocera Gate and Via di Nocera. The southern side, closer to the
walls, includes smaller burials and cippi (grave markers), possibly for
lower-status individuals.
The necropolis is divided into enclosures
(e.g., Enclosure 23 OS), each containing multiple tombs, suggesting
family or collegia (guild) affiliations. Enclosures are separated by low
walls or pathways, creating a structured yet flexible layout.
The
Garden of the Fugitives, a vineyard near the necropolis, marks the site
of plaster cast discoveries, integrating the burial zone with
agricultural land—a common Roman practice.
Materials and
Decoration:
Tombs are built primarily of tuff and limestone, coated
with stucco and painted in vibrant colors (red, white, blue), though
much has faded. Decorative elements include friezes with garlands, urns,
or mythological motifs, and statues atop some monuments, now mostly lost
to looting.
Inscriptions, carved in Latin (and occasionally Oscan in
earlier tombs), detail names, titles, and epitaphs, offering
biographical insights. For example, Publius Vesonius Phileros’
inscription famously curses a former friend, revealing personal drama.
Botanical remains, studied via archaeobotany, indicate offerings like
cypress cones (symbolizing mourning), pinecones, and edible pulses
(chickpeas, lentils), placed during rituals.
Plaster Casts
Display:
Near the necropolis, between the gate and Tower II, a
designated area houses plaster casts of eruption victims, created by
pouring plaster into cavities left by decomposed bodies in the ash.
Originally 13 casts, four remain on-site, including an adult male (1.8
meters, face down on the lapilli layer), an adolescent, an adult on his
right side, and a boy (aged 7–19, once misidentified as an elderly
beggar).
These casts, restored in 2024, are displayed in a modern
enclosure with a protective roof, balancing preservation with public
access. Their proximity to the tombs underscores the necropolis’ dual
role as a place of burial and tragedy.
The necropolis covers
roughly 2,000 square meters, with tombs varying from modest 1x1-meter
cippi to sprawling 10-meter-wide exedras. Its preservation is uneven:
some tombs retain stucco and inscriptions, but others are eroded or
reconstructed, reflecting centuries of exposure.
Several tombs stand out for their historical and social significance,
illustrating Pompeii’s diversity:
Eumachia’s Tomb:
A
monumental exedra tomb attributed to Eumachia, a prominent priestess of
Venus and benefactor of the Fullers’ Guild. Its semicircular bench,
adorned with reliefs, could seat mourners or passersby, reflecting her
public role. The tomb’s size and craftsmanship signal elite status,
though its exact attribution is debated due to missing inscriptions.
Publius Vesonius Phileros’ Tomb (Tomb 21 OS):
An aedicula tomb
with a high podium and columns, built by Phileros, a freedman and
augustalis (priest of Augustus). Its inscription is a rare personal
narrative, dedicating the tomb to Phileros, his patroness, and a friend,
but denouncing the friend as “most hostile” for betrayal. Addressing
travelers directly, it warns, “If you’re wise, heed life’s brevity,”
blending pride with bitterness.
The tomb includes a marble herm of
Phileros, emphasizing his social ascent despite his servile origins.
Caius Munatius Faustus and Naevoleia Tyche’s Tomb:
A richly
decorated monument for a freedman couple, both augustales, showcasing
their wealth through intricate stucco and a detailed inscription. It
lists their civic contributions, including games funded for Pompeii’s
youth, highlighting freedmen’s integration into public life.
A marble
columella (headstone) marks Naevoleia’s burial, with traces of painted
decoration.
Flavius Family Tomb:
A chamber tomb with niches
containing tuff busts and columellae, inscribed with family names. It
reflects multigenerational burials, common among established clans, and
includes simpler graves for dependents, showing social inclusivity.
Unnamed Infant Burials:
Small cippi and amphorae burials near
larger tombs contain infant remains, challenging the notion that Romans
excluded children from necropoleis. These modest graves, often unmarked,
suggest familial affection across classes.
These tombs reveal a
spectrum of identities—patricians, freedmen, slaves, and children—united
by the desire for remembrance. Inscriptions, often formulaic (e.g.,
“D(is) M(anibus)”—to the spirits of the dead), personalize the
necropolis, making it a dialogue between the living and deceased.
The Nocera Gate Necropolis is a microcosm of Roman Pompeii’s social
and spiritual life, offering insights into:
Social Hierarchy:
Tomb size and decoration correlate with status, from Eumachia’s grand
exedra to anonymous cippi for slaves. Freedmen like Phileros and
Naevoleia used tombs to assert legitimacy, compensating for their
origins with lavish displays, a phenomenon termed “freedman ambition” by
scholars.
Funerary Practices: Cremation dominated, with ashes stored
in urns or niches, though inhumation appears in infant burials. Rituals
included processions through the Nocera Gate, offerings (food, flowers),
and feasts at tombs during festivals like Parentalia. The necropolis was
a lively space, integrated into daily life, not a silent graveyard.
Gender and Agency: Women like Eumachia and Naevoleia feature
prominently, reflecting their roles as priestesses and benefactors.
Female burials, even among slaves, suggest agency in death, challenging
male-centric narratives of Roman society.
Multiculturalism: Oscan
inscriptions in early tombs and Hellenistic tomb designs (e.g.,
aediculae) reveal Samnite and Greek influences, while Latin epitaphs
reflect Romanization, illustrating Pompeii’s cultural fluidity.
The
plaster casts add a universal dimension, humanizing the eruption’s
victims beyond their social roles. Their contorted poses—hands covering
faces, bodies curled—evoke shared vulnerability, transcending class or
status.
The necropolis has been a focal point for modern archaeology,
particularly through the Porta Nocera Programme, a
French-Italian-British collaboration that mapped 250 meters of the site
using non-invasive methods like ground-penetrating radar and
photogrammetry. Key findings include:
Subsurface Discoveries:
Radar revealed hidden walls, cavities, and graves, suggesting the
necropolis extends beyond visible remains. This approach preserves
fragile structures while expanding knowledge.
Botanical Analysis:
Studies of pollen and macroremains (e.g., cypress, pulses) reconstructed
ritual offerings, linking tombs to seasonal practices and trade networks
(some plants were imported).
Osteological Insights: Skeletal remains,
though fragmented, show diverse burials, including infants and slaves,
challenging assumptions about Roman exclusionary practices. Tooth and
bone analysis hints at diets and health disparities.
Cast
Restoration: The 2024 restoration of plaster casts used advanced
materials to stabilize them, addressing earlier degradation from
exposure. Their repositioning in a dedicated enclosure balances ethics
and education.
Early excavations (1814–1950s) were less systematic,
with Maiuri’s work marred by errors, like misidentifying a boy’s cast as
an elderly beggar due to skeletal misreading. Modern methods correct
such biases, emphasizing interdisciplinary rigor.
The necropolis is relatively well-preserved compared to other
Pompeian zones, thanks to its burial under ash, but challenges persist:
Tombs: Many retain stucco, inscriptions, and structural integrity,
though colors have faded, and some statues are lost. Eumachia’s tomb and
Phileros’ herm are highlights, but erosion threatens smaller cippi.
Casts: The four displayed casts, protected since 2024, are stable, but
nine others remain in storage, limiting public access. Their glass
enclosure, while effective, can feel clinical, distancing viewers from
the site’s raw emotion.
Threats: Vegetation, water infiltration, and
tourist footfall erode stone and stucco. The necropolis’ inclusion in
tourist routes (e.g., to the Amphitheatre) increases wear, yet funding
lags behind sites like the House of the Vettii.
Access: A 2024
pathway improves navigation, with explanatory plaques, but the site’s
southeastern location makes it less visited than the Herculaneum Gate
necropolis, preserving it inadvertently.
The necropolis’ narrative invites scrutiny. The emphasis on elite
tombs like Eumachia’s risks marginalizing humbler burials, yet slaves’
and infants’ inclusion suggests a more egalitarian afterlife than Roman
texts imply. Phileros’ bitter inscription—unique in its candor—raises
questions: how typical were such personal grudges in epitaphs? The
casts’ display, while poignant, commodifies suffering; their removal
from original contexts (e.g., the vineyard) alters their story. Maiuri’s
errors underscore archaeology’s fallibility—how many other victims were
misread?
The necropolis’ vitality also challenges modern cemetery
analogs. Its integration with roads and vineyards suggests death was a
public, not private, affair—can we fully grasp this mindset? Finally,
preservation disparities—grand tombs versus crumbling cippi—mirror
ancient hierarchies, prompting us to question whose memory we
prioritize.